A STUDY

OF

BAGOBO CEREMONIAL, MAGIC AND MYTH

Laura Watson Benedict

Preliminary Awas. The preliminary Awas, though attended by few, is an extremely important ceremony, at which the offerings of areca-nuts and the accompanying devotions are directed toward the following spirits: Pamulak Manobo (creator of the world), the various buso, and the gimokud or ghosts, both those that have been long dead and those recently departed from this earth.

"We celebrate the Awas," old Datu Oleng said to me as we conversed about the Ginum, ''because the earth and the sky could not have been made by man. Pamulak Manobo made the world, and made all the different kinds of men: Bagobo, American, Bila-an, Moro, tlbii (Ata), Kulaman; and he made all the trees and all things that grow on the earth; this is why we prepare areca-nut — because we pray to Pamulak Manobo. As for all the Tigbanua Kayo and all the dead buso, we place areca-nut for them to keep us from being sick."

An element of pure worship may be recognized here, as of making an act of thanksgiving to Pamulak Manobo for the creation of the earth and of the things that grow on it. From this aspect, the Awas stands out rather distinctly from other Malay rites, the greater number of which are permeated by suggestions of bargaining with deity.

Several of the old women had charge of the first Awas; they made the preparation and performed the ceremony, assisted at one point only by Datu Oleng. The women were Miyanda, sister to Oleng and the leading woman of the group; Singan and Ikde, Oleng's wives, and Suge, a priest doctor. The only one of the younger women taking part in the rite was Sigo, the eldest of those of Oleng's daughters who were still virgin. This girl, during the devotions at the shrines, stood near to the old women while she held a branch full of thick-clustering areca-nuts, which, one by one, she plucked off and handed to the old women, or laid in a little pile ready for their use.

Shortly before sunset on the second night of Ginum, the women began to place areca-nuts in a number of small dishes — twenty- three in all — which they had made from hemp leaves during

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that day. These leaf-dishes, or kintidok^ were of the same form as those which had been made for the feast, but were only about one-fourth as large as the banquet dishes, for they measured not over five by ten inches, some being only three inches in width and nine in length. Like the larger kintidok, these ceremonial dishes were made by curving a section of hemp-leaf so that the corners of one end over-lapped, and the opposite end opened out flat. The cornucopia shaped tip thus formed was then folded over on itself and fastened to the body of the leaf by a small stick of sharpened
rattan. In these smaller vessels, the suggestion of little boats was somewhat more apparent than in the larger ones, though, as stated in a preceding paragraph, we have at present no evidence to prove that this boat-shape was produced intentionally.

In all but one or two of the leaf-dishes, the old women laid betel-leaves — one very small leaf in each dish — and upon the leaves they laid whole areca-nuts, ranging in number from one to nine. In one kintidok there was a single areca-nut; two dishes had two nuts apiece; one held three, while the remaining nineteen dishes each contained from four to nine nuts. One of the women tore into fragments some of the betel-leaves that were left over, and after wrapping these fragments in small pieces of hemp-leaf, she tied them into a few tiny packages. The remaining hemp-leaves were gathered up by Singan, tied together in a bundle and left on the wide shelf {tagudn ha sekkadu) where the seventy water-buckets stood.

When all was ready, the women picked up ten of the leaf- dishes, leaving thirteen on the stoop just outside the door, and then our little procession started from the house, to lay the offerings at four different shrines by the wayside. There were but seven of us: the four old women, the girl Sigo, Islao and myself. We turned east from the Long House, and went a short distance down the narrow path that led southeastward to the river. At a spot where great trees overhung the path, not more than three or four minutes' walk from the door-step, the women halted and sat down on their feet in the posture common to them. Crouching there on the ground, they set down beside them their ten kintidok, and uttered low-voiced prayers. The faint sunset glow had blended with the soft light of a moon almost at half when they placed their offerings of areca-nuts and of buyo-leaf, just as their ancestors through long centuries had offered areca and buyo by moonlight on those mountain peaks.

BENEDICT, BAGOBO CEREMONIAL, MAGIC AND MYTH 107

Miyanda first laid several of the leaf-dishes on the left-hand side of the path; then, facing north, she summoned the god who lives at the source of all the streams.

"Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, I call you now, and ask you to speak to the Tigbanua Balagan (Buso of the Rattan) and the Tigbanua Kayo (Buso of the Wood), so that they will not hurt us. Give them these leaf-dishes with the betel, for themselves, because we want no sickness to come to us while we make the Grinum; and that fearful sickness that is traveling round the world — do not send it here where the Ginum is. If the sickness comes here, do not let it go from this awas to where we live; but make it stay shut up in these kinudok, until you, Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, come to kill it. When all the Diseases that go round the world and the old bad Buso want to come to our house, make them stop here in the hemp leaves. Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, you must keep us from getting sick."

Then Singan, designating certain of the leaf-dishes, said: "Here, Tigbanua Balagan, these are for you;" and Suge, pointing to other of the leaf-dishes, added: "Here, Tigbanua Kayo, these are for you; now do not come to our Ginum." ^^*

Then, turning to face the east, they placed on the ground the remaining number of the ten leaf-dishes on the right-hand side of the way, and addressed their petitions to the spirits of the dead, in order to induce them to remain in Gimokudan and not to trouble the living at the festival.

"All of you, Gimokud, we give you these areca-nuts and these betel-leaves; we ask you not to think at all about our Ginum. Old Gimokud and new Gimokud, ^^^ these nine areca-nuts are for you, one and all. We pray to you, too, all the Tagamaling and all the Tagaruso, and we offer betel to all of you while we beg you to keep away from this our Ginum."

^ ^ ' The same mental attitude, at the moment of laying down an offering, comes out very nicely in the following prayer of a Toradja, recorded by the missionary Kruijt, in Central Celebes: — "0 Gotter, die ihr auf dem Takalekadjo wohnt, ich kenne eure Anzahl nicht, aber hier ist ein Sirihpriemchen (quid of betel) und ein Stuck Fuja, die ich euch gebe; denn ihr seid gross, und wir sind geringe Leute. Wir reisen dort driiben hin; macht unseren Weg gerade, gebt nns Sonnenschein, denn hier ist ein Sirihpriemchen, das ich euch gebe, und meine Nachkommea werden euch das auch geben." P. and F. Sarasin op. cit., vol. 1, p. 235. 1905.

^ * * Spirits of persons that have been long dead, and spirits of those recently deceased.

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The function at this first place of prayer now complete, we returned to the house ; and while Singan and Ikde waited on the little porch the rest of us walked under the house, from front to back, and on down a very narrow footpath that ran for a few feet to the southeast, ending at a little thicket. Here, almost hidden in a natural growth of luago shrubbery, stood a buso-house (buis)^ and here we halted. Miyanda had brought from the house two more of the leaf-dishes, and one of them, which contained four areca-nuts, she set on the ground under the shrine, for the Buso of the Ground, with these words: "This kintidok is for you, Tig-banua Tana." Then, placing the other leaf-vessel which held eight areca-nuts on the floor of the little house, she said: "To you, Tig banua ka Buis, ^^^ I give these areca-nuts, and I ask you to keep
us in good health all of the time."

Having returned to the porch by the same way we had followed on leaving, we stopped a moment for Miyanda to pick up two more of the leaf-dishes. Then, while the other women waited there at the house door, Miyanda, followed by myself, took her way to another buso-house that had been set up north of the Long House, at a distance from it of about twenty feet. Around the shrine had been placed thick-leaved branches of luago, kalimping and terinagum, all of which were set rather deep in the earth, so that they stood erect like a natural growth of bushes close to the little temple. On the ground below the shrine, Miyanda laid a leaf-vessel containing one areca-nut and one betel-leaf, and on the floor of the little house she put the other leaf-vessel, that had in it one betel-leaf and eight areca-nuts. At the same time, she said to the Tigbanua of this buis a few words to the same effect as those uttered at the preceding devotions.

Thereupon, the other three old women — Singan, Ikde and Suge — came down the short ladder from the stoop, and brought with them the nine leaf-dishes that remained of the original twenty-three.
They followed Miyanda and myself along a path that opened north-west from the last-mentioned hut-shrine, and led toward the houses of the two datu, Oleng and Ido. When we had reached a point about 108 feet distant from the Long House, the women squatted down as before, and placed the nine leaf-dishes in order on the

^ ^ ® Buso of the Shrine.

^ ^ •* 65 paces of 20 inches each.

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Fig. 4. — Leaf dishes used in the rite of preliminary Awas Showing arrangement in order on the ground at the last station. The areca-nuts in dish No. 6 cannot be seen, as they are hidden by the curved margins of dish No. 7 upon which dish No. 6 lies. Drawn by Irwin Christman from a field sketch by the author.

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right-hand side of the way. At that moment, Datu Oleng, who had just finished setting out the magic tanung belonging to another rite, overtook us and himself repeated the formula over the last nine kintidok, thus concluding the Awas. He stood erect just back of the women and said:

''You, Tagaruso, and all you Tagamaling, and the Tagasoro that makes men dizzy, I bring this betel offering for you all; you must not keep coming to our house, because I am giving you areca-nuts to stop that. And now, Pamulak Manobo, we ask you to protect us from all the bad huso, when you see them coming to us. To you, Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, we offer prayer because you are the head of all the anito and must know all things."

The kindly spirit that these conservative old people showed in permitting a women of another race, a new acquaintance, to take part in this private ceremony, was emphasized by many a little token of friendliness. They would take my hand as I knelt beside them, and ask me if it were not all "very good;" and once Ikde put her arms around me and asked if people performed rites like this in America, and what would I do when I had learned all the Bagobo ceremonies and other customs.

After the final prayer we returned to the house, the old women in advance, filing along in the moonlight, followed by Oleng and myself. No further ceremonies occured that evening.

Three days later, the preliminary Awas was repeated as a brief minor ceremony, fresh leaf-dishes being then laid down, simply because the first had become dry, and the areca-nuts had withered during the delay resulting from Ido's absence and from the ominous earthquake. I did not see this repeated ceremony, as at the same time the rite of Tanung was going on, but the words said by Miyanda over the leaf-dishes were reported to me as follows:

"You, Tigbanua to the North, and Tigbanua of the Rattan, and Tigbanua of the Wood, and Tigbanua of the Ground, I have prepared areca-nuts for you all, while praying you not to let us be hurt, for we want to have good health all of the time."

Presumably this preliminary Awas was repeated at the first station only, by the path leading to the river. Here I afterward found fourteen leaf-dishes, and their disposition was explained to me as follows. Eight had been consigned to the buso, through the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig as intermediary, and six were for the gimokud (ghosts).
Of the eight kinitdok offered to the buso, two contained four areca-

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nuts each; one dish held five nuts; two dishes, six each; two had each nine nuts, and one dish contained fifteen nuts. Four of the^ leaf-dishes belonging to the gimokud held, respectively, one, two, seven and eight nuts, and the other two kinudok had four nuts each.

Main Atvas. On the afternoon following the Pamalugu in the river, preparations were being made for the second Awas, as well as for the setting out of the Tanung branches, both of which ceremonies were scheduled for the sunset hour. Kaba had already whittled out two rough figures of wood, to be used in the Tanung, and Ido was chiding the women because they had failed to make the leaf-dishes for the Awas. Then Miyanda and Singan hastily pinned together some pieces of hemp-leaf, — enough to make nine ceremonial vessels, — and were just stacking them into a pile when Datu Oleng arrived in haste at the Long House. He appeared to be under 'strong emotional stress, and instantly called, in an
agitated voice, for Ido and then for Singan. Immediately afterwards came Datu Yting, bringing the startling news of an earthquake shock that had occurred shortly before. It must have been a very slight shock, for none of us at the Long House had felt the tremor; but straightway all ceremonial activities were cut short. The three chiefs, with Buat and the two women, Miyanda and Singan, held an informal conference on the porch. At this deliberation the fact came out that if any Ginum ceremony is held on the same day that an earthquake shock is felt, the death of all the members of the family of the man who is giving the Grinum will certainly follow. On the other hand, the moon would be full in a few days, and, if the Ginum were deferred until after the date of full moon, it could not then be celebrated at all that month; because to hold the festival during the third or fourth lunar phases is strictly tabu. An animated discussion of the question, including many calculations and much pointing toward the moon, was summarily closed by Datu Yting, who announced that if they did not hold the culminating ceremonies within two or three nights, he, for his part, would go home without waiting for them. Datu Yting's judgment was revered throughout the length and breadth of Talun, and to lose his presence at the feast was unthinkable; accordingly, it was proposed to hold the Tanung and the Awas rites on the next day, and to let the chief rites of the Ginum follow at night. The final ruling, however, placed the main ceremonial two days later than the earthquake; while the Tanung

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and the Awas were arranged to be held twenty-four hours later than the time of the shock.

Accordingly, the next morning, in preparation for the main Awas, old Kaba made twenty-three little figures of men, called tingoto^ some of which he carved from the white wood of magabadbad, and others he shaped out from its green stem. The manikins were not over one inch or one and one-half inches long. The women made the leaf-dishes; and at noon Sawad came in bringing a cluster of fresh areca-nuts, which, he said, he had gotten for the Awas. The rite was performed early in the afternoon, in the kitchen {ahu) near the door. A large number of the Bagobo observed the ceremony. Oleng sat on the floor, the little images laid in order before him. Of the twenty-three tingoto, eleven were of the white wood, and twelve were of the green stem of maga-badbad. Ten of the white figures were placed in a row, with one a little apart from the rest; while eleven of the green figures were laid in a row, and one green figure by itself. Oleng then said a short ritual over the twenty-three manikins.

"Xow I lay you here, little tingoto, to make you just like slaves to us. We give you to the bad sickness and to the buso in place of our own bodies; and now the buso and the diseases will not hurt us, because we are offering them these tingoto. Let the buso think about these little human figures and not hurt us. Now all of you, little tingoto, you must keep us from being sick."

At the close of this recitation, Miyanda placed six areca-nuts at the feet of the ten white figures, and said:

"I pray to you, Buso, and to you. Sickness; and I lay down these little men to make you kind to us. We give you these ten figures so that our own bodies will not be hurt by disease, and we give you these areca-nuts so that you will not do harm to us."

At a later hour, the tingoto were taken out to a retired place under the trees to the northeast of the Long House and laid beside the narrow trail, and with the figures were placed six leaf dishes containing areca-nuts. Near the ten white figures were

^ ® * The word abu has two meanings : (1) kitchen, the room that contains the three fire-stones and the native hearth. In the Long House at Mati, it was the first room that one entered from the north door; (2) In a ceremonial sense, the abu includes the two rooms farthest north. The rites on the first and second nights of the Ginum are held in the abu; on the third and fourth nights, in the sonor (the whole house).

'^^See Charms and Magical Rites, Part III.

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laid ten areca-nuts, and near the eleven green figures, nine areca-nuts; while the odd white figure had eleven nuts beside it, and the odd green one had nine. My notes do not state the precise arrangement of the tingoto and of the leaf dishes on the ground; but my impression is that the ten white figures and the elevengreen ones lay either inside of the leaf-dishes or close to them, while the odd white figure and the odd green one lay apart at a little distance. Close beside three of the leaf-dishes, three sprays of magabadbad were planted, or stuck in the ground.

After the ceremony, Oleng spoke to me of the symbolism. There are ten, with one more, of the white figures and eleven, with one more, of the green figures only because it has always been the custom of the Bagobo to use that number at Grinum, for the celebration of Awas. He explained that the ten white figures are intended to hold the sickness and keep it away from us, while the eleven green figures are put there on account of the earthquake — to save us from harm. The white and the green tingoto that are kept apart from the rest represent the two horns of that great Buso deer called IsTaat who has one good horn and one bad horn. The white tingoto is the right antler, all of whose branches point upward and are good; but the green tingoto is the left antler, the bad one, that has one branch growing downward. Then Oleng seized my pen and made a diagrammatic sketch with a firm eager stroke, for he clearly considered this detail a vital point in the ceremony.

Ceremony of Tanung, or Magic Rites against Buso. The distinctive elements of

the rite called Tanung are two: first, the planting or sticking into the ground of a lump of branches from various vegetable growths that have a magic value; second, the placing of large wooden images, as spirit scarers, at certain points near the Long House. Like the Awas, there are two Fig. 2. — Antler of Buso deer ceremonies with the same name. The first is Oleng showing

7 11; the left antler with one bad branch

or prehmmary Tanung is held on the sec- turning downward and another on the evening of Ginum, and the main rite branch tending to deflect. Enact the close of the third day. The magical branches themselves are collectively called tanung, and the same

^ ® ^ Hein refers to similar usages among the wild tribes of Sarawak, where wooden

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name is given to the ceremony. Other terms, interchangeable with Tanung, are Saiit and Bunsiid, the last word having primarily the signification of "a post" or setting a post in the ground." The use of hunsud here has reference to the pushing of the foot of the wooden image into the ground, like a post. It will be noted that both the green branches and the wooden images are intended to block the invasion of spirits of evil that attempt, regularly, to break into the ceremonial house on the occasion of a festival. A second point to be noted is that some of the magic branches are
acceptable to the diseases, and are put there to make the diseases kindly to the Bagobo.

Preliminary Tanung. The preliminary Tanung was performed just after sunset on the second night. Leafy branches from a number of trees and shrubs were fixed deep in the ground at two different points: (a) at a spot directly north of the Long House, and beside the path that leads into the village; (b) at the beginning of the trail that winds down the mountain in the direction of Santa Cruz and the coast, a place near the southeast border of Mati.
These branches were from the red-leaved terinagum, the sharp pointed balekayo, and the balala — all of which act as "medicine" very salutary for the Bagobo. The specific purpose, as has been said, is to keep away the bad buso who try to come to the Long House, bringing sickness to the Bagobo, and introducing besides a form of mental stimulation that would set the men to fighting, and would drive from the house all peace and good fellowship.
One of the datu went out to cut the tanung, and Oleng, with the  help of his second son, Andan, made the holes in the ground and planted the branches. The tanung stood up perhaps five or six feet from the ground, one clump on each side of the path at the figures are placed near the house to keep out epidemics.

"Die Dayaks vom Sekayam stelleu Holzbildnisse von 30 — 100 cm. Lange, Konto genannt, an die Pfosten ihrer Thiiren oder an den Weg, welcher za ihren Wohnungeu fuhrt, unddie Dayaks vom Katingan thun dasselbe, um Seuchen von ihren Kampongs abzuhalten, indem sie der Meinung sind, dass die krankheitbringenden Hantu von diesen Holzstatuen abgehalten werden, bis zu den Bewohnern der Hauser selbst vorzadringen." Of. Die bildenden Kunste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo, pp. 31—32. 1890.

The Punan of Sarawak, according to Furness, use carved poles, instead of single ligures, to scare off evil spirits, at least on certain occasions. A Punan chief had ill-luck; "wherefore to exorcise the evil spirits a great feast had been held, poles elaborately decorated with carved faces were erected to frighten away demons; . . . " Home Life of Borneo Head hunters, p. 179. 1902.

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chosen places. This rite occurred synchronously with one of the offices of the Awas, and consequently I did not hear the ritual words, although we were not very far from the spot where the branches were being set out.

Main Tanung. The main Tanung consists in setting in a hole in the ground a large human figure of wood, which is put outside of the festival house, in the hope that Buso, mistaking it for a living man, will be afraid to pass by it. Two of these figures are put on station.

On the day of the earthquake, Kaba brought in large branches of the red-leaved terinagum, and the mottled green- and white-leaved terikanga, to be ready for the planting. Then, from a chunk of terikanga-wood, he fashioned two human figures nearly three feet in height, roughly cut and highly conventional in form. With his short knife he shaped out, first, a circular ridge outlining the limits between head and trunk; below that, a three-sided bust and waist; then, leaving a protruding abdominal region, he sloped off the body gradually to the base, so that it ended in a six-angled point for the feet, with no division for legs.

"This is to make the Buso afraid," remarked the old man gleefully, as he whittled away at the image.

The ceremony took place at sundown, when the tanung branches were set out in two places: on the path winding to the river, and beside the way leading to the other houses of the village. Ten different varieties of trees and shrubs were represented, each of which had a charm value so that it would be effective in producing the emotion of fear in the evil spirits. At each of the places where the tanung was planted, one of the human figures of wood was also placed, the leafy branches being clustered so close about the figure as almost to conceal it. Oleng performed the ceremony, with the help of two young men who dug the holes and assisted in "planting" the figures and branches.

The first part of the rite was performed on the path leading to the river, and here the tanung was set out on the right-hand side of the way. When the younger men had done the manual part,
Datu Oleng turned toward the clump of magic branches enclosing the image and, facing south, made the following invocation.

"I plant this tanung toward the south for all you, anito, and for you, Malaki t'Olu k'Waig. I plant the tanung so that sickness and other harm will not come to us at Grinum. All of you, anito, we

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ask you to take care of us and to protect us from the bad buso and from the things that might hurt us while we celebrate the Ginum. You, Tigbanua Balagan and Tigbanua Kayo, I plant this tanung for you, and I beg you not to come to make men fight at the festival. You, too, the bad Sickness that goes all around the world, I plant this tanung for you, so that you will not hurt us, but have a kind heart for the Bagobo."

After this, we retraced our steps toward the Long House, passed by it, and went on up the path leading to the other houses in Mati.
At a point not over forty or fifty feet from the house, the second part of the Tanung rite was performed, the branches being placed on the left-hand side of the way. When all was ready, Oleng turned toward the figure in its thicket of potent charms ^^'^ and, while facing the north, he invoked the most dreaded of the buso, the diseases and the magic plants themselves.

"For all of you, the evil Tigbanua, and for you, the bad Diseases, I plant this sarabak and this badbad to make you feel kindly toward us. Now you, the Tanung that we plant, Balekayo and Dalinding, watch over us and be all-knowing in respect to us. ^^^' If the Sickness approaches, or if the Buso tries to come to our Grinum, you must not let them pass by this spot, or go from here to our house."

After the ceremony, Oleng repeated to me the names of the plants that Buso fears, and that hence are used for the Tanung: sarabak^ kapalli^ terikanga^ ramit^ dalinding^ halala^ balekayo^ badbad. "There should be ten names," the old man said, "but I can now remember only eight of them." One of the plants that he had momentarily forgotten must have been terinagum, branches of which were brought in by Kaba for the ceremony. "Long ago," added Oleng, "the old men told the Bagobo to plant the branches for the Tanung ceremony, and that is why we do it now."

19^ Tigbanua Balagan is the Buso of the Rattan, and Tigbanua Kayo is the Buso of the Forest,

^*^ Thickets consecrated to spirits, as well as groves and reserved places in the forest, are frequently mentioned by the Recollects and by other missionaries as elements associated with the ancient worship of the Filipino, Cf. Bolinao*s sketch of religious customs in Zambales and Marivelez. Blair and Robertson: The Philippine Islands, vol. 31, pp. 144—146, 270, 272, 276—277, 282. 1905. Some of these thickets may possibly have been buso-scarers, rather than consecrated places.

^^''See pp, 27—28.

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Ceremony of Pamalugu, or purification. The Pamalugu, or ceremonial washing in the river, takes place on the third day of Ginum — the day preceding that on which the culminating rites occur

The time set for going down to the river was an hour after sunrise, or thereabouts, but it was considerably later — eight
o'clock or eight-thirty — when the party started from the house.
During the wait, the men beat agongs and chewed betel as usual, while the girls sewed and embroidered on festival garments that were yet unfinished. The sun, showing dimly from behind masses of clouds, was more than two hours high when the priestess, Singan, came in from the woods where she had been gathering the various kinds of plant-medicines required for the ceremonial. She carried a large bundle of small green plants, freshly cut, together with bunches and sprays plucked from large vegetable growths and from certain trees, all of which green things she had laid in a piece of
sheath torn from the areca-palm, a material which forms the regular wrapping-paper of the wild tribes.

Here are the native names of a number of the varities of plants in Singan's bundle: bagebe^ sarabak^ dalinding^ tarinagiim^ magahudhud^ uwag^ lamhingbctying ^ badbadj uliullj manangid^ balinttidug^ lawddd^ hapalili^ bawing. ^^^ Singan divided the green bouquet into two equal parts, carefully placing upon another piece of areca-palm sheath one spray or plant of each kind. When she finished, she had two green piles of fairly uniform size, which she made into two bunches and tied with a strong, fibrous string of areca. One of the boys tore off the narrow strips from a section of sheath, and handed them to Singan as she needed them.

One element of the collection of greens was kept apart from the rest — a single branch of areca palm that had just burst from its enveloping sheath at the top of the trunk, and was full of clusters of tiny white blossoms and pale green sprays of undeveloped leaves.
This branch, called bagebe^  Singan preserved almost intact, only breaking off one or two little sprays to add to the two bunches already made up.

^^^ An extensive list of the various leaves used to make up the medicinal bouquet with which the rice-paste {Tepong Tawar) is applied, is given in Skeat: op. cit., pp. 77 — 80.

^®^ Bagebe is the word for the flowers and leaf-bads of the areca palm in the earliest stages of development. The blossoms just forming are pure white, and the leaf-buds range from white to pale green at the moment of the bursting of the enveloping sheath. The same name is sometimes applied to this flowering axis when mature.

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When the magic greens, known as sagmo^ were ready, the priestess sat holding them all, while the people gathered for the walk to the river. Presently Ido said, "Panoydim" (Let us go), and Singan glanced swiftly at Datu Oleng, who at once gave her a signal to make the start. Then, with Singan well in advance, leading the way, we all set out. Singan was closely followed by Saliman, pale and emaciated from his long illness, and by two of the little children. At a short distance behind, Oleng led all the other people who were to be partakers of the rite. I was directly behind Oleng; then came Buat; then Sali, Oleng's elder brother, a very aged man; then other members of the family: Ido, Inok (Oleng's third son), Sigo with her girl-cousin Odik, Miyanda, and a long line of Oleng's sons, nephews and grandchildren, with a number of friends and guests.

The people, for the most part, wore their every-day clothes — Oleng, his customary blue cotton jacket and hemp trousers of a dull claret color, his well-worn tankulu bound round his head; the women went down dressed just as on an ordinary working day; many of the men wore trousers only, and plain ones at that. Ido alone had dressed for the occasion in a splendid pair of festival trousers made by his Bila-an wife, who had decorated them richly Avith embroidery of fine needle-work and applique, and with figures done in small mother-of-pearl discs.

After a climb of perhaps twenty minutes down a bank that, for a part of the distance, was steep and slippery, we found ourselves at the bottom of a sharply Y-shaped valley, where the grade of the stream's bed was slight and the stream ran shallow and was not over ten or twelve feet in width. As the bed of the river widened out, it was full of great stones and boulders that told of the work of a young and vigorous stream which, during violent storms, had rolled the boulders down the steeper grades, but in this more level place had become overloaded with stones and debris and was reduced to a mere brook. Here and there, where the shallow current had become blocked, there were little pools hedged in by slippery white boulders, and in other places there were flat stones with their tops fairly above the surface of the water, and convenient to stand on.

They consulted together as to the exact spot for the ceremony, whereupon Oleng seated himself on one of the stony resting-places, while the boys and younger men busied themselves in clearing a

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freer passage for the stream by pulling out vegetable growths and scooping up handfuls of pebbles. Then followed the preliminary rites.

Singan laid her bunch of leafy medicine upon the ground, and began to place the areca-nuts and the betel-leaves, as she took them from her little basket, in several spots that served as temporary shrines. At the same time she uttered the appropriate prayers.
The placing of the betel for the gods, with ritual words, is called Tigbanua.

First the priestess laid an areca-nut on its betel-leaf in the water at her feet, and said: "Tigbanua of the water, this betel-nut I am laying here for you, to appease you. And you, Tigyama our protector, I beg you to keep away from us the sickness, for you care for the living."

Singan next put one areca-nut and one betel-leaf on a large stone, with these words: "You, Tigbanua of the stone, are now to have this areca-nut for yourself, while we are engaged in the Pamalugu. From early times the Bagobo have celebrated the Ginum, year by year, and we beg you not to listen if the children have a good time and make a noise. See, I fix the betel for you."

The woman then stepped from one to another of the stones in the river-bed, until she found a good place on the east bank, that is, on the side opposite to the slope down which we had come.
There, on a boulder, she laid one areca-nut with a betel-leaf and addressed the Buso haunting that bank. "You, Tigbanua of the other side of the river, here is an areca-nut for you; it is to keep you from being angry with us that we fix the betel. And you, Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, who live at the source of all the streams, protect us with your tidalan (spear shaft) from the bad Disease that is going round the world."

Then Singan made her way over one and another boulder, along the bed of the stream for some little distance to the north.
She moved cautiously, for the stepping-places were slippery and she was frail and weak. On reaching a certain spot, she bent down and said, as she dropped an areca-nut with its betel-leaf into the stream: "Water that lies to the north, this is your betel; and I beg from you this favor while we celebrate the Ginum, that you will not take any notice of the merry noise of the people." ^^^

^'^ The idea is that the evil spirits which inhabit the water, on hearing the merriment, may come to hurt the people at the feast.

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Having moved toward the slope leading up to the village, the priestess then faced the west, laid down on a stone one nut in its leaf and, speaking very slowly, adressed the Buso of the Rattan. -^^
^'To you, Tigbanua Balagan, I give this areca-nut, for now, as every year, we hold a festival for the ancient balekat. We beg you not to send sickness upon us, and we want you to tell all of your friends not to hurt us. It is with areca and with betel that we ask from you this favor."

After this, she turned to face the south and, laying a nut and a leaf on a stone as before, she spoke first to the buso, and then to that glorious and divine malaki who dwells at the never-failing spring of all the waters, "To you, Tigbanua, I offer this areca nut, and I pray to you all, to move you to be kind to us. Take this, and do not make us sick while we celebrate the Ginum.
You, Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, keep us by your power from illness and from stormy weather, for you are the all-wise Anito."

Before the ceremony, a very small shrine had been set up on the western border of the stream, having the usual white bowl wedged into a rod of split balekayo; toward this tambara the priestess now turned and laid in the bowl one areca nut and one betel-leaf.
Having done this, she took up her bundle of green sagmo (the medicine plants) and handed to the girl, Sigo, the branch of blossoming sprays from the betel palm that had been kept entire.
Without speaking, the young virgin placed the branch in her girdle or within the waist folds of her panapisan. Singan then laid in the water — one at each end of that section of the stream that had been set apart for the purification — a young plant or a leafy cluster selected from the sagmo, and placed one spray of bagebe on the little shrine.

At that moment Oleng, who up to this point had remained seated, rose and called Singan's name. The priestess turned to him and Oleng

***"Similarly, on the Peninsula, "the annual bathing expeditions ... are supposed to purify the persons of the bathers and to protect them from evil." W. AV. Skeat: op. cit., p. 21. Ceremonies of purification having the special intention of driving away demons are mentioned in Somadeva's stories; e. g.: "Then he bathed in the Vitasta and worshiped Ganesa . . . and performed the ceremony of averting evil spirits from all quarters by waving the hand round the head and other ceremonies." Op. cit., p. 197. Of. the Iranian ceremony in which an offering is made to the water itself. "He offered the sacrifice to the good waters of the good Daitya." J. Dabmesteter (tr.): "The Vendidad." Sacred books of the East, vol. 4, p. 210. 1895.

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spoke one word, "Sakan" (I, myself). Then, with slow steps and an attitude in which high dignity and a reverential sense of his sacred office were peculiarly blended, the old man advanced to the edge of the water and, in a clear voice, summoned the gods dear to the Bagobo — the beloved Tigyama, protector of man, and Pamulak Manobo, creator of all nature. It was an impressive moment when the aged chief stood there, alone, still, beside a massive boulder, in the silence of the mountains with the cool refreshment of morning touching the air, his children and grandchildren grouped, in perfect hush, upon the banks. Feeble and spent, he yet stood erect, and strong in spirit, his face expressing a grave sweetness and purity, as he called upon the ancient gods of the tribe.

"Where are you, Tigyama? and where are you, Pamulak Manobo? Come near to us for a little time, while I perform the ceremony of Pamalugu; while I pour water over the men and over the women, to keep them in health and strength. This prayer and this Pamalugu I offer, begging you to remove from our bodies the evil sickness. Show your love for us; keep us from disease during the festival of Ginum, and make us well all of the time."

As soon as Oleng ceased speaking, his wife, Singan, stepped down into the bed of the stream and stood in the shallow water, with the two bunches of medicine in her arms. The people had dispersed themselves informally, and were sitting about on the great stones, waiting for their turns. Five young men, sons of Datu Oleng, were the first to present themselves for the rite. They went down together and stood before Singan in the water, or sat on the stones on the west side of the stream. Those who had the tutub or tankulu on their heads removed it, so that their black hair, long and luxuriant, hung down over their shoulders and around their faces, as they stood with bowed heads before Singan, and received the pamalugu at her hands. The priestess held one of the bunches of leafy medicine in the running brook, and drew it out dripping.
Then, holding it over the young men, she let the water fall in a stream upon their heads, whence it ran down over necks and shoulders and backs. Again she dipped the sagmo into the water, and again allowed the magic stream to pour down on their bodies; and then again, until the effusion had been performed nine times.
She held the bunch of greens in a vertical position, with the stems downward, so that the water from leaves and twigs collected into one stream; or she held the bunch horizontally, but in either case

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by a slight movement of her hand she could effuse five heads almost at the same moment.

During this ninefold purification, the young men were facing the bamboo shrine; after the ninth pouring, there came a slight pause, whereupon they all oriented, simultaneously, so that they now faced the east. Singan applied the water in the same manner as before, nine times again, but she used the other bunch of sagmo while the candidates held the eastward position.

When Oleng's sons had retired, his nephews went down into the stream by fives. Oleng himself stepped into the stream and assisted his wife in the amalugu of the nephews, he and Singan each holding one of the bunches of sagmo. Over each group of five the water was poured nine times while they faced the prayer-stand, and, similarly, nine times when they turned toward the east.
During the ceremony, the men washed their faces, arms and bodies with the water trickling over them. There was more or less conversation and some laughter. Under this apparent lack of formality, however, lay an exact ritual that a careful observer could not fail to note.

Following the nephews of Oleng, his grandchildren (boys and girls together) came by fives, and presumably some children of nephews and nieces. A certain order in which candidates were to present themselves was apparently adhered to, for when Oleng's daughter and her cousin stepped into the water and took their places they were sent back to await their turn.

When any group of five had received pamalugu, the individuals would go off behind the larger boulders, slap the water off from trousers or skirts, shake out their hair, and perchance seize the occasion to take off some garment and wash it in the stream.

After Oleng and Singan had worked jointly for some time, Singan withdrew to the bank, and Oleng continued the purification alone. Presently, to my surprise, Ido motioned to me that my own turn had come, and that I was to let down my hair. Oleng sat down on the bank, and Ido gave me pamalugu like the rest, thus perhaps recognizing me as a sharer in the benefits of the Oinum, and as one of themselves, rather than a mere spectator. ^^^

*^^ The two times nine number of effusions was broken in a few cases. Ido bad eleven effusions while facing the tambara, with slaps on bis back administered with the sagmo jifter the third, tbe fourth, and the seventh counts. Water was poured over myself the

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Immediately afterwards, Ido himself was effused by Singan, and he was followed by a group of three — Sawi, a son of Sunog, Bagyu the leper, who was one of Oleng's nephews, and another youth. Then came Sigo and her cousin, Odik, while Singan was pouring the water, for Oleng was now resting at the edge of the stream. Not many women received pamalugu; but Sigo, on this occasion as at the Awas, represented, it would seem, the unmarried daughters of Oleng of whom she was the eldest. Sigo and Odik were effused immediately before the officiating functionaries.

When practically all of the people present had come out of the river, Singan still stood waiting, and then Datu Oleng went down to her alone. Up to this point, the act of lavation had been done without any accompanying ritual words, except the checking of the count by the occasional utterance of a number; but now a prayer was said by the priestess as she poured the sacred water over her husband. "Anito, take away from Oleng's body the sickness that is there; and you, Malaku t'Olu k'Waig, keep him from sickness.
Drive off the evil spirits, so that they may not come to our Ginum and bring bad diseases to us while we hold the festival."

Oleng was straightway followed by his sister, Miyanda, a woman of distinguished presence and splendid physique, the director of all the women's industries, and the leader of Anito rites. She, too, stood alone, while Singan effused her the orthodox two-fold nine times with the words: "All the bad sickness in Miyanda's body, Anito, we want you to take away and carry it to the place where the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig lives." -^"^ Then Miyanda added her own petition : "You take away this feeling of weakness from me."

Last of all, Singan herself received pamalugu from the hands of Oleng, who said, while he poured the water over his wife: "I pray to all of you who are true anito that you will take away this sickness from me, for I have no hunger for my food, and I am very feeble. Make me a little stronger, so that I may gain many good things. Now that I have been washed in the pamalugu, I think that I shall get well."

conventional eighteen times, but Ido counted the second set of nine as eight, for he said "walu" (eight) after the last lavation. Possibly this was a detail in conformity with a Bagobo custom elsewhere noted: namely, that of mentioning a number less than the correct count.

^^^ The thought is, that if the sickness is taken to the benevolent Malaki at the water sources, he will strangle the sickness.

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The lustration of the priestess was to have closed the ceremony, but one woman came late, running down the steep bank, and Oleng* did not send her away, but himself gave her the purification.

Very few women were at the river, though unquestionably they were not excluded from any motive of sex discrimination. They were all very much occupied with other matters on that day. The roving women were busy in finishing off their festival clothes; the older ones, with house cares, for the presence of many guests in the Long House entailed much additional labor. There was preparation for ceremonies, too, such as bringing down tho seventy water-flasks for the ritual washing that was to follow.

When all was done, the people went away in scattered groups, some climbing up the bank directly after the ceremony, others staying behind to wash their clothes. Those Bagobo who did not go to the river, as, for example, Malik, who was engaged in making the new tambara, Kaba and his family, went through with a performance at home that was considered an equivalent. Each of them poured water from one of the bamboo joints over his head, twice nine times.

When Singan came back to the house, in company with Oleng, she brought with her the two bunches of sagmo and laid them up on the high guest bed that had been made for the festival. It was then late in the morning, and the priestess absented herself until the next ceremony, that of Sonar. ^^'^

Ceremony of Lulub or washing of water-flasks. A short ceremony, that I did not see, took place immediately after the pamalugu. As reported to me, this rite consisted in the washing of the new sekaddu, or bamboo joints, seventy of which had been made to hold water for the feast. A sekkadu consists of one bane; that is to say, it is the hollow internode of the bamboo that lies between two nodes or joints. One node forms the bottom of the vessel, and at the other end the mouth of the vessel is cut. The vessels must have been washed on the outside only, since openings

203 Almost directly after our return from the river, Ido and several others sat down to have their damp hair freed from innumerable small organisms. Soon, the floor of the porch was filled with people sitting ia rows for a like purpose. The women did the work with marked success, each woman hunting in the head of the man immediately in front of her, spying the louse with a rapidity perfected by experience, and deftly squeezing it to death between her thumb-nail and a tiny, flat blade of wood, that resembled a paper-cutter.

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for the mouths were not cut until early in the morning of the last day of the festival.

The old women, Miyanda and Singan, performed the Lulub, assisted by younger women. They rubbed magic leaves over the surface of the bamboo joints and then washed them in the stream.
Afterwards, according to the account I received, one of the old women carried a joint of laya bamboo to a place south of where the Pamalugu had taken place. She stuck the bane, or joint, either in the earth at the edge of the stream or in the bed of the shallow water, and said these words. "Now I place this bane of laya for you, Tigbanua Balagan, and for you, Tigbanua Waig. Remember this, when we are trying to draw water and to pray to you. And you, Gimokud mantu (new) and Gimokud tapi ^°^ (old), do not envy us while we have our Ginum, because you have gone to the Great Country. I think you did not want to stay on earth any longer."

At the conclusion of the rite, the old women taught the girls that they must not play so much while the house was full of guests.

Ceremony of Sonar or Offering on the Agongs of Manufactured Products, Soon after our return from the river, preparations began for the next ceremony — the laying of gifts upon an agong altar, with accompanying rites. Devotions are directed, at this office, toward Mandarangan, the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, certain anito, and the agongs themselves that are addressed as sonaran. In the ceremony of Sonar, just as in Pamalugu, there is an intention of securing from the gods both health and wealth; yet in the lavations the thought of purification is dominant, while at the offerings on the agongs the desire to grow rich is stressed.

It was toward the middle of the forenoon when we came back from Pamalugu, and there was an interval before the following ceremonies. Pour new bamboo prayer-stands had been made by Malik early in the day, and these tambara were now ready to be used at Sonar, the bowls being wedged in the split balekayo in the usual manner; but there were many other things to be gathered together by men and women who had already had a full morning.

From the frame on which the agongs hung, three of the smaller instruments were taken from the upper row, and one of larger size

='**'* The term ceremonially used to characterize souls that have been long dead is tapi, and this same adjective is applied to old matiufactured objects. An aged person is called in life iufful, never tapi, like an old thing.

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from the lower row. The four agongs were placed on the floor in the middle room, not in contact with one another, but close enough together to form an unbroken square. At one side of this temporary altar, the bamboo prayer-stands were laid down in such manner that the four bowls formed a little square, while the rods of bale-kayo lay stretched out between (or beside) the agongs. The large agong, and two of the smaller ones, were placed with their convex sides up, so as to give a base on which material offerings could be piled; while the fourth instrument was put concave side up, like a big bowl which might function as a sort of font.

The ceremonies that followed may be briefly summarized as follows, though there was no well-marked line of separation between the several acts, for two might be going on at the same time: (a) the offering of manufactured products to the gods; (b) the ablutions called Sagmo; (c) the visitation of anito; (d) the rites with balabba.

Offering of manufactured products to the Gods.

Datu Ido sat down on the floor, in front of the agongs and facing the east. During the first part of the proceedings, Datu
Oleng sat perched on the high guest-bed and Avatched all that went on, but gave no directions. At once the people began to bring their nice things to Ido, who put them on the agongs or on the floor close to the altar. In a few cases, the gifts were placed by the owners themselves. Old Miyanda took the initiative and put on one of the agongs a pair of man's trousers (saroar). Then came a long delay, during which everybody went about his ordinary occupations. The men chewed betel; the girls kept on putting stitch after stitch on the fine embroidery decorating garments to be worn at the dance on the following night. In the interval, Datu Ido and Miyanda, with a few others, talked over the proper disposition to be made of the things destined for the agong altar.

Then Miyanda went to another part of the house, and returned with an armful of hemp skirts, or sarongs, woven in figures and called by the Bagobo panapiscm. She brought, also, women's cotton waists, and necklaces of beads in solid colors, — green, white and yellow, — all of which articles she placed together on one agong.
In the meantime, Ido had fetched a finely-decorated waist, a long panapisan of Bila-an make, a number of pieces of Yisayan textiles and imported prints that had been secured at the coast and some

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white cotton cloth. All these he put in a pile on the floor. He then changed the arrangement of the agongs, by placing them in a row running north and south, with the one containing water at the south end of the line. He laid the four tambara just east of the agongs. At this point, the washing of faces began, as described under the following caption. All the time, the women and the men were approaching the altar from all directions of the house, bringing garments, ornaments, swords, and calling, "Ido! Ido!" so that the chieftain might recognize each individual, and thus associate every object with its owner. Ido, under this stress, was trying to keep the offerings in classified groups, so that at the end of the ceremony they could, the more conveniently, be returned. He kept asking, "Whose is this?" or "Whose is that?" before placing the various articles. His disposition of things, however, was not always respected. One cotton textile he demurred at taking from a young man, but finally consented, rolled the cloth into a small wad and put it on top of the pile of objects which he, himself, had brought to the altar. As soon as Ido's back was turned, the young Bagobo unfolded his textile and spread it out on Ido's things, whereupon the chief, his eye returning to the spot, placed the cloth
in still another position. Soon, the three agongs were heaped with offerings — embroidered shirts, newly-woven panapisan of glistening hemp, wide bead necklaces and many cotton textiles. Ido took from his neck a fine gold cord {kamagi) and with it crowned his own heap of gifts.

The straight, one-edged swords called kampilan were brought, to the number of eight, and also four long spears. Ido laid on the floor the eight kampilan beside the agongs, and placed the spears with their blades under the swords. At the Grinum that I had earlier observed at Tubison, there were, similarly, eight of the^ kampilan — a type of sword that forms a valued element in the ceremony and is presumably associated with the war-god, Manda-rangan, who is addressed in the prayers at this time.

Only a few trinkets were dropped into the agong containing water, for an object placed in this agong cannot be reclaimed — it goes to the priestess through whom the gods speak. On being invited to make some offering, I contributed a heavy armlet of brass, that Loda had cast from a wax mould. I stipulated, however, that it should be put on the agongs, and not in the water, as it was an object of value to me. Directly, then, Oleng called

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from his high seat, and requested me to put a little bell into the water. I did so, adding also a small mirror. The priestess quickly put her hand into the agong and took out the mirror, which she held, clasped tight, during the anito seance that followed.

Ablutions called Sagmo. The agong that was turned with its concave side up had been filled to about one-fourth of its capacity with water, and the two green bunches of sagmo, with which the candidates at Pamalugu had been sprinkled, lay in the water. Just after the bringing of offerings had begun, and when Ido had placed the four agongs in a row, a number of people came, one or more at a time, and bathed their faces in the water that held the sagmo.
A good many of those who washed in the agong had not been present at Pamalugu; but some who had received purification in the early morning laved their faces now, as well, in the medicinal water. There was more or less laughter and talk during the ablutions, and all the while people were bringing their gifts to the altar, so that the religious nature of the rite was somewhat obscured.
The value of this washing for the warding off of disease is apparently due to the magic sagmo hallowing the water in which it lies.

Visitation of Anito. The usual manner of conducting an interview with the gods is described in a later section of this paper.
Such interviews take place, ordinarily, at night, this being the only instance that came under my observation of a seance during the day.

"When the people had finished bringing gifts, the priestess, Singan, sat down on the floor at the south end of the row of agongs, so that she faced north, and thus had the agong holding the medicinal greens directly in front of her. Covering her head and face completely with her red cotton scarf {salughoy)^ she began to utter those harsh and sepulchral groans that regularly announce the coming of a spirit. Her right hand, grasping the tiny looking-glass, lay in her lap; she pressed her left hand to her cheek, while her body shook and trembled. Not only the children, but adult Bagobo also, gazed at the priestess with keen curiosity, for they rarely get a look at her in this condition. At the night meetings, the torches are always extinguished. Her voice came muffled through the cloth wrapped round her head, few of her words could be heard, and soon the people began chatting and laughing. The oracle was very brief, and was uttered without the chanting that forms a customary feature of a seance. I was able to record only that the Ma-laki t'Olu k'Waig spoke as follows:

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"I am come this noon because you summoned me by the gifts on the agongs. Now let all the people upon whom water was poured from the sagmo, at the Pamalugu, put bells and brass bracelets into the agong with the sagmo."

Bitss with halahha. The ceremonial drink of fermented sugar cane, barely tasted on the first night of the festival, is drunk freely on the third day ; and it is at this stage of the Sonar that the first deep draught of balabba is taken. A portion is offered to the gods as their right, before the people drink.

While Singan was muttering incoherent words, Ido brought a long bamboo flask, and from it poured out balabba, until he had filled four large bowls, and his own little cup, with the thick, rich, brown liquid. A delicious aroma came from the bowls, as it were of boiling molasses mingled with old rum. Then the people began to be eager for the close of the worship, and for the end of the abstinence of the long morning; but they sat waiting in their customary attitude of patience. Ido had placed the four bowls in a row parallel with the agongs, but on the other side from the tambara. His own little cup he moved into several different positions, placing it, first, at the north end of the bowls, then at the south end, again, in the middle, and finally back at the north end again.

As soon as Singan had lapsed into silence, Oleng came down from his perch, and placed himself in front of the bowls of liquor, so that he sat facing east, and also facing the agongs. Ido was at his left, and he motioned me to a place between Oleng and himself for this, the most worshipful act of the Sonar, The Long House was full of Bagobo, standing, or sitting, as near the agongs as they could place themselves, without intruding into the reserved positions.
Datu Yting was also at the altar, near the other datu.

Oleng, now acting as priest, touched the rim of the bowl of balabba that stood farthest to his right, and said: ''All of this, anito, is yours, for this year we are making our Ginum; and when all of you, anito, have drunk from this bowl of balabba, then we will drink the rest."

A spray of a fragrant plant called manangid had been laid beside the bowls, and he took this spray and stirred it three times around in the bowl. Then, with the tips of his fingers, he touched the rim of the second bowl, as he had touched the first, and said, addressing the agong-altar: "Sonaran, ^^^ the balabba in this bowl is yours.

^"^ Oleng was doubtless addressing the spirit resident in the agongs. The agongs functioning as an altar are called sonar an^ while the name of the ceremony is Sonar.

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See, now we have placed upon you our valued things — panapisan^ jackets, trousers, woven necklaces, gold kamagi, textiles, kampilan, spears — because from this time on we want to get rich. Now, Sonaran, that we have put our gifts here upon you, you must save us from sickness." Then he stirred the liquor in this bowl three times with the spray of manangid. Finally, he touched the rim of the third bowl, as he offered it to the great war-god, with these words. "Now you, Mandarangan, this third bowl is for you, because we are again holding our Ginum. We ask you to taste this balabba, and to drink it all, then the rest of us will drink." Having said this, he stirred the balabba in the third bowl three times, with the same spray. The fourth bowl, unless some detail escaped my observation, was not dedicated to any deity, nor were any prayers said over it. At the close of the office, Oleng gave the spray of manangid to Ido, who put it in his hair.

Oleng spoke to the gods in a conversational tone, and was some- times prompted by Datu Yting when he forgot a word of the formula. Ido gave vent to a few explosive groans while Oleng was praying, for he thirsted to begin sipping the sweet balabba.

At the conclusion of the devotions, the three datu, Oleng, Ido and Yting, drank from the bowls, and afterwards the rest of the people. My impression is that they drank from all four bowls, but this item escaped me. Ido gave his own cup to me to use individually, and offered to refill it when empty, but the large bowls were passed about, from hand to hand, among all the company.

When we had finished drinking, Malik took up the four new tambara and fastened them to the wall, or to some house pillar.
Ido began returning the objects from the agongs to their respective owners, and called out their names if there was delay in claiming the articles. I saw one man gird on his kampilan as soon as Ido returned it, but, in general, the people laid the smaller articles in the tambara, and put larger objects in a wide scarf {salughoy) hanging close to the tambara. Here they must remain for at least one night, and afterwards be retained always in the possession of the individuals who offered them. At last, the three agongs were hung up in their former places, and a tap-tap on a large agong, nine times repeated, announced the end of the Sonar. A pile of swords still lay on the floor, and were picked up after the tap-tap had sounded. Last of all, the agong containing the water and

BENEDICT, BAGOBO CEBEMONIAL, MAGIC AND MYTH 131

bunches of medicine was pushed under the high bed, where it remained until the end of the Ginum(?).

Visitation of Anito. The usual manner of conducting an interview with the gods is described in a later section of this paper.
Such interviews take place, ordinarily, at night, this being the only instance that came under my observation of a seance during the day.

"When the people had finished bringing gifts, the priestess, Singan, sat down on the floor at the south end of the row of agongs, so that she faced north, and thus had the agong holding the medicinal greens directly in front of her. Covering her head and face completely with her red cotton scarf {salughoy)^ she began to utter those harsh and sepulchral groans that regularly announce the coming of a spirit. Her right hand, grasping the tiny looking-glass, lay in her lap; she pressed her left hand to her cheek, while her body shook and trembled. Not only the children, but adult Bagobo also, gazed at the priestess with keen curiosity, for they rarely get a look at her in this condition. At the night meetings, the torches are always extinguished. Her voice came muffled through the cloth wrapped round her head, few of her words could be heard, and soon the people began chatting and laughing. The oracle was very brief, and was uttered without the chanting that forms a customary feature of a seance. I was able to record only that the Ma- laki t'Olu k'Waig spoke as follows:

BENEDICT, BAGOBO CEREMONIAL, MAGIC AND MYTH 129

"I am come this noon because you summoned me by the gifts on the agongs. Now let all the people upon whom water was poured from the sagmo, at the Pamalugu, put bells and brass bracelets into the agong with the sagmo."

Rites with halahha. The ceremonial drink of fermented sugar cane, barely tasted on the first night of the festival, is drunk freely on the third day ; and it is at this stage of the Sonar that the first deep draught of balabba is taken. A portion is offered to the gods as their right, before the people drink.

While Singan was muttering incoherent words, Ido brought a long bamboo flask, and from it poured out balabba, until he had filled four large bowls, and his own little cup, with the thick, rich, brown liquid. A delicious aroma came from the bowls, as it were of boiling molasses mingled with old rum. Then the people began to be eager for the close of the worship, and for the end of the abstinence of the long morning; but they sat waiting in their customary attitude of patience. Ido had placed the four bowls in a row parallel with the agongs, but on the other side from the tambara. His own little cup he moved into several different positions, placing it, first, at the north end of the bowls, then at the south end, again, in the middle, and finally back at the north end again.

As soon as Singan had lapsed into silence, Oleng came down from his perch, and placed himself in front of the bowls of liquor, so that he sat facing east, and also facing the agongs. Ido was at his left, and he motioned me to a place between Oleng and himself for this, the most worshipful act of the Sonar, The Long House was full of Bagobo, standing, or sitting, as near the agongs as they could place themselves, without intruding into the reserved positions. Datu Yting was also at the altar, near the other datu.

Oleng, now acting as priest, touched the rim of the bowl of balabba that stood farthest to his right, and said : ''All of this, anito, is yours, for this year we are making our Ginum; and when all of you, anito, have drunk from this bowl of balabba, then we will drink the rest."

A spray of a fragrant plant called manangid had been laid beside the bowls, and he took this spray and stirred it three times around in the bowl. Then, with the tips of his fingers, he touched the rim of the second bowl, as he had touched the first, and said, addressing the agong-altar: "Sonaran, ^^^ the balabba in this bowl is yours.

^"^ Oleng was doubtless addressing the spirit resident in the agongs. The agongs functioning as an altar are called sonar an^ while the name of the ceremony is Sonar.

130 ANNALS NEW YORK ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

See, now we have placed upon you our valued things — panapisan^ jackets, trousers, woven necklaces, gold kamagi, textiles, kampilan, spears — because from this time on we want to get rich. Now, Sonaran, that we have put our gifts here upon you, you must save us from sickness." Then he stirred the liquor in this bowl three times with the spray of manangid. Finally, he touched the rim of the third bowl, as he offered it to the great war-god, with these words. "Now you, Mandarangan, this third bowl is for you, because we are again holding our Ginum. We ask you to taste this balabba, and to drink it all, then the rest of us will drink." Having said this, he stirred the balabba in the third bowl three times, with the same spray. The fourth bowl, unless some detail escaped my observation, was not dedicated to any
deity, nor were any prayers said over it. At the close of the office, Oleng gave the spray of manangid to Ido, who put it in his hair.

Oleng spoke to the gods in a conversational tone, and was sometimes prompted by Datu Yting when he forgot a word of the formula. Ido gave vent to a few explosive groans while Oleng was praying, for he thirsted to begin sipping the sweet balabba.

At the conclusion of the devotions, the three datu, Oleng, Ido and Yting, drank from the bowls, and afterwards the rest of the people. My impression is that they drank from all four bowls, but this item escaped me. Ido gave his own cup to me to use individually, and offered to refill it when empty, but the large bowls were passed about, from hand to hand, among all the company.

When we had finished drinking, Malik took up the four new tambara and fastened them to the wall, or to some house-pillar. Ido began returning the objects from the agongs to their respective owners, and called out their names if there was delay in claiming the articles. I saw one man gird on his kampilan as soon as Ido returned it, but, in general, the people laid the smaller articles in the tambara, and put larger objects in a wide scarf {salughoy) hanging close to the tambara. Here they must remain for at least one night, and afterwards be retained always in the possession of the individuals who offered them. At last, the three agongs were hung up in their former places, and a tap-tap on a large agong, nine times repeated, announced the end of the Sonar. A pile of swords still lay on the floor, and were picked up after the tap-tap had sounded. Last of all, the agong containing the water and

BENEDICT, BAGOBO CEBEMONIAL, MAGIC AND MYTH 131

bunches of medicine was pushed under the high bed, where it remained until the end of the Ginum(?).



Bagobo Ceremonial Magic and Myth

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